Rafe Fletcher is the founder of CWG Speakers.
The first fissures in MAGA’s big tent following were exposed recently. And they have repercussions for “populist” conservative movements internationally.
The spat has blown up over immigration. President-Elect Donald Trump appointed Sriram Krishnan as an advisor on artificial intelligence. Sleuths were quick to bring up Krishnan’s old tweets supporting the removal of green card (work permit) caps for foreign workers.
Elon Musk supports that liberalisation, particularly as it pertains to the H-1B visa program, which grants work permits to foreign workers in specialised fields. Vivek Ramaswamy, Musk’s co-head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), wrote a 400-word post emphasising his own support for the visa initiative, saying it was a vital contributor to the American culture of “excellence”.
It brings to the fore a divide over immigration that highlights disparate philosophies in the MAGA camp. Musk and Ramaswamy represent the free-market libertarian wing. Critics such as Steve Bannon and Mike Cernovich, an influential social media commentator, represent nationalist voices and supporters of a more paternalistic state that advocates for culture as much as economics.
This tension has thus far been obscured by “woke”, a gift from the left in uniting different political strands behind a common enemy. And aided by a lazy mainstream media labelling all new disruptive politics as “far-right” or “populist”. It’s a fatuous categorisation that lumps in Javier Milei’s anarcho-capitalism with Marine Le Pen’s economic nationalism.
The libertarians believe the government is failing because it’s too big. Just like X, it needs to be severely trimmed and turned into a leaner, more efficient machine. That’s the work Musk and Ramaswamy are so eagerly undertaking at DOGE.
Fewer people need to work harder. “Hustle and grind” culture, as Cernovich pejoratively calls it. And if Americans won’t do that, foreign workers are needed. Their vision of a society that does this in pursuit of growth sits in tension with culture warriors who hark back to better times. The 1950s are idealised as a golden era when men could return from work at a reasonable hour, clock off, and spend time with their large families.
To this ilk, American exceptionalism owes as much to cultural hegemony as economic. America is a nation of God-fearing Christian family units. Immigration threatens this, even if it’s just for high-paying, specialised jobs.
Republicans no longer instinctively side with business over government. Increasingly they believe the government should hold businesses accountable for wider societal effects. Consider the legal battle between Ron DeSanits and Disney over its CEO’s criticism of state educational reforms to restrict discussions of sexuality in classrooms.
Republicans are not content to let the free market rule and allow companies to preside over their own ruin under “go woke, go broke”. Or JD Vance’s criticism of negative externalities, using the example of a US train disaster to criticise companies for privatising gains and socialising costs.
Then there is manufacturing. Protectionism is one of the key tenets of Trumpism. Adam Smith’s comparative advantage no longer holds sway with the GOP. Trump has sided with Musk over the recent immigration debate but the two may still lock horns as Trump attempts to return well-paid manufacturing jobs to the US. How does that square with Musk who relies on China in the Tesla supply chain?
What lessons does this hold for the Conservatives and Nigel Farage’s surging Reform party? The right is no stranger to awkward coalitions having held together industrial heartlands and Dan Hanaan’s Singapore-on-Thames brigade to win the Brexit vote and a subsequent landslide under Boris Johnson. But that proved fleeting.
For now, Kemi Badenoch and Farage have resisted outlining any grand visions. Just as Keir Starmer allowed the Conservatives to implode, so the opposition now can wait for ongoing economic malaise to seep into the electorate’s outlook.
And the good news is there are some quick wins unavailable to the Republican coalition. Talk of resurgent manufacturing in the UK is redundant until exorbitant energy costs are addressed. Abandoning net zero and fracking can fix that while delivering immediate economic benefits to consumers.
Immigration is also far less nuanced than the US context. Voters there debate the benefits of highly paid foreigners entitled to few if any, state benefits. The UK is clearly importing residents who are a net drain on the state. Fixing “the blob” (H / T Liz Truss) to reduce ridiculous long-term sickness benefits and government employees’ perks will be popular with everyone in the private sector.
But conservatives also need to have a serious discussion about the size of the state. They’re right to criticise Rachel Reeves’s destructive national insurance rises but opposition to winter fuel payment cuts ignores necessary trade-offs.
The UK does not have the luxury of the world’s reserve currency to service ever-larger debts. Aaron Bastani points out that 83 per cent of Hampshire’s County council’s spending is on adult social care. There are no easy spending decisions as demographics increasingly turns the UK into a nation of dependents.
So, is the AI revolution unleashed to grow our way out of debt? But how popular will automation, and the threat to jobs, be with voters? In the US, Trump has already made his stance on this clear, supporting unions in their fight against new technology at shipyards, saying automation is not worth “the distress, hurt, and harm” caused to dockworkers.
And what about the desperately needed infrastructure spending identified in Sam Bowman’s Foundations? Are conservatives ready to push through new projects to the annoyance of their older base?
The first sign of MAGA infighting holds big lessons for conservative parties with fresh coalitions. Rehashed Thatcherism is not popular nor feasible. A new model is needed. As the gift of woke ebbs away, the Conservatives must define a positive vision of growth and social cohesion.
Rafe Fletcher is the founder of CWG Speakers.
The first fissures in MAGA’s big tent following were exposed recently. And they have repercussions for “populist” conservative movements internationally.
The spat has blown up over immigration. President-Elect Donald Trump appointed Sriram Krishnan as an advisor on artificial intelligence. Sleuths were quick to bring up Krishnan’s old tweets supporting the removal of green card (work permit) caps for foreign workers.
Elon Musk supports that liberalisation, particularly as it pertains to the H-1B visa program, which grants work permits to foreign workers in specialised fields. Vivek Ramaswamy, Musk’s co-head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), wrote a 400-word post emphasising his own support for the visa initiative, saying it was a vital contributor to the American culture of “excellence”.
It brings to the fore a divide over immigration that highlights disparate philosophies in the MAGA camp. Musk and Ramaswamy represent the free-market libertarian wing. Critics such as Steve Bannon and Mike Cernovich, an influential social media commentator, represent nationalist voices and supporters of a more paternalistic state that advocates for culture as much as economics.
This tension has thus far been obscured by “woke”, a gift from the left in uniting different political strands behind a common enemy. And aided by a lazy mainstream media labelling all new disruptive politics as “far-right” or “populist”. It’s a fatuous categorisation that lumps in Javier Milei’s anarcho-capitalism with Marine Le Pen’s economic nationalism.
The libertarians believe the government is failing because it’s too big. Just like X, it needs to be severely trimmed and turned into a leaner, more efficient machine. That’s the work Musk and Ramaswamy are so eagerly undertaking at DOGE.
Fewer people need to work harder. “Hustle and grind” culture, as Cernovich pejoratively calls it. And if Americans won’t do that, foreign workers are needed. Their vision of a society that does this in pursuit of growth sits in tension with culture warriors who hark back to better times. The 1950s are idealised as a golden era when men could return from work at a reasonable hour, clock off, and spend time with their large families.
To this ilk, American exceptionalism owes as much to cultural hegemony as economic. America is a nation of God-fearing Christian family units. Immigration threatens this, even if it’s just for high-paying, specialised jobs.
Republicans no longer instinctively side with business over government. Increasingly they believe the government should hold businesses accountable for wider societal effects. Consider the legal battle between Ron DeSanits and Disney over its CEO’s criticism of state educational reforms to restrict discussions of sexuality in classrooms.
Republicans are not content to let the free market rule and allow companies to preside over their own ruin under “go woke, go broke”. Or JD Vance’s criticism of negative externalities, using the example of a US train disaster to criticise companies for privatising gains and socialising costs.
Then there is manufacturing. Protectionism is one of the key tenets of Trumpism. Adam Smith’s comparative advantage no longer holds sway with the GOP. Trump has sided with Musk over the recent immigration debate but the two may still lock horns as Trump attempts to return well-paid manufacturing jobs to the US. How does that square with Musk who relies on China in the Tesla supply chain?
What lessons does this hold for the Conservatives and Nigel Farage’s surging Reform party? The right is no stranger to awkward coalitions having held together industrial heartlands and Dan Hanaan’s Singapore-on-Thames brigade to win the Brexit vote and a subsequent landslide under Boris Johnson. But that proved fleeting.
For now, Kemi Badenoch and Farage have resisted outlining any grand visions. Just as Keir Starmer allowed the Conservatives to implode, so the opposition now can wait for ongoing economic malaise to seep into the electorate’s outlook.
And the good news is there are some quick wins unavailable to the Republican coalition. Talk of resurgent manufacturing in the UK is redundant until exorbitant energy costs are addressed. Abandoning net zero and fracking can fix that while delivering immediate economic benefits to consumers.
Immigration is also far less nuanced than the US context. Voters there debate the benefits of highly paid foreigners entitled to few if any, state benefits. The UK is clearly importing residents who are a net drain on the state. Fixing “the blob” (H / T Liz Truss) to reduce ridiculous long-term sickness benefits and government employees’ perks will be popular with everyone in the private sector.
But conservatives also need to have a serious discussion about the size of the state. They’re right to criticise Rachel Reeves’s destructive national insurance rises but opposition to winter fuel payment cuts ignores necessary trade-offs.
The UK does not have the luxury of the world’s reserve currency to service ever-larger debts. Aaron Bastani points out that 83 per cent of Hampshire’s County council’s spending is on adult social care. There are no easy spending decisions as demographics increasingly turns the UK into a nation of dependents.
So, is the AI revolution unleashed to grow our way out of debt? But how popular will automation, and the threat to jobs, be with voters? In the US, Trump has already made his stance on this clear, supporting unions in their fight against new technology at shipyards, saying automation is not worth “the distress, hurt, and harm” caused to dockworkers.
And what about the desperately needed infrastructure spending identified in Sam Bowman’s Foundations? Are conservatives ready to push through new projects to the annoyance of their older base?
The first sign of MAGA infighting holds big lessons for conservative parties with fresh coalitions. Rehashed Thatcherism is not popular nor feasible. A new model is needed. As the gift of woke ebbs away, the Conservatives must define a positive vision of growth and social cohesion.