William Prescott is a researcher at Bright Blue.
In recent years, successive Home Secretaries have complained that failed asylum seekers are weaponising the UK’s modern slavery system as a last-ditch effort to stave off removal. However, as Bright Blue’s new report points out, while the UK’s modern slavery system does need reform, there is little real evidence to back up this claim.
While the exact number of modern slavery victims is virtually impossible to quantify given the “hidden nature” of the crime, 19,125 potential victims were identified in 2024, a 13 per cent increase from the previous year. There is also an overlap between modern slavery, irregular migration and the asylum system. Between 2018 and 2022, for example, of those who arrived via small boats, 7 per cent, or 6,210 individuals, were referred to the NRM as potential victims of ‘modern slavery’. Of those 6,210 individuals, 5,897 also claimed asylum.
This overlap, and the fact that victims of modern slavery cannot be deported while their claims are being assessed, has led to accusations that the system is being abused. For example, the current Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, pointed out that, between January and September 2022, over 40 per cent of those migrants held in detention pending removal were referred into the NRM.
Unfortunately for the Home Office, however, there are several problems with this view.
First, potential victims cannot self-refer into the UK’s modern slavery support system, known as the National Referral Mechanism (NRM), which means that no one can access modern slavery support without at least some Home Office backing. Instead, they must rely on organisations known as first responders, which include police forces, local authorities, some NGOs and other government agencies, to complete the referral form appropriately. Crucially, within immigration detention, the Home Office itself is the sole first responder.
Second, the statistics do not point to widespread abuses. Even after the significant and much-criticised tightening of the criteria for recognising victims of modern slavery under the former Conservative Government’s 2022 Nationality and Borders Act (NABA), a high proportion of those in detention are still recognised as victims. According to the latest Home Office statistics, 44 per cent of conclusive grounds decisions — the final stage in the NRM process — were positive. Before the NABA was introduced, that number stood at over 80 per cent. Given the unique challenges of identifying modern slavery victims in detention, such as inadequate documentation and problems with the interview process conducted by Home Office officials, the current numbers may well be an underestimate.
Third, even where victims of modern slavery are recognised as such, their chances of remaining in the UK long-term are slim. In theory, confirmed victims may be eligible for Temporary Permission to Remain (VTS) for up to 30 months to assist with their recovery. In practice, few victims benefit from this. In 2023, for example, out of 3,139 adults who gained status as a victim of modern slavery, only 113 were granted VTS. Moreover, even where it is available, VTS does not provide a pathway to indefinite leave to remain or permanent settlement, and grants are typically limited to 12-30 months.
Fortunately, as we argue in the report, there are policies we can put in place that both reduce the harms caused by modern slavery while preventing any abuses that do occur.
First, to improve the chances of modern slavery victims being identified well before they reach immigration detention, we should compel first responder organisations to appoint a dedicated Single Point of Contact (SPOC) for modern slavery, responsible for handling NRM referrals, and that all individuals or teams in these SPOC roles must receive mandatory, specialist NRM training by government-approved providers. This would help to overcome the current lack of awareness of their responsibilities among first responder organisations, which results in some victims being overlooked.
Second, once we have done this, we can then introduce a rebuttable presumption that failed asylum seekers who are in detention and about to be removed are ineligible to be referred to the NRM and claim Temporary Permission to Stay for Victims of Human Trafficking or Slavery (VTS). By raising the threshold for a failed asylum seeker’s successful NRM referral and VTS claim, it should be possible to address any abuses while ensuring that genuine victims of MSHT can still access the necessary support
Third, to provide a more stable pathway for genuine victims, the UK should introduce a capped, dedicated visa for confirmed modern slavery victims. It would be modelled on the US T visa, which allows those who can establish that they are “more likely than not” victims of human trafficking, and who are physically present in the US, to live and work legally in the country for up to four years. As well as providing long-term protection for modern slavery victims, such a visa could also incentivise cooperation with law enforcement. To ease public concerns about annual net migration levels, the number of such visas issued should be subject to an annual cap of 2,000.
Given widespread and well-publicised concerns over all forms of migration, it is hardly surprising that the UK’s modern slavery framework has come under fire. However, as with so many other aspects of the wider immigration debate, it is important to consider the evidence around asylum and the modern slavery system before rushing to judgment on how to fix it.
William Prescott is a researcher at Bright Blue.
In recent years, successive Home Secretaries have complained that failed asylum seekers are weaponising the UK’s modern slavery system as a last-ditch effort to stave off removal. However, as Bright Blue’s new report points out, while the UK’s modern slavery system does need reform, there is little real evidence to back up this claim.
While the exact number of modern slavery victims is virtually impossible to quantify given the “hidden nature” of the crime, 19,125 potential victims were identified in 2024, a 13 per cent increase from the previous year. There is also an overlap between modern slavery, irregular migration and the asylum system. Between 2018 and 2022, for example, of those who arrived via small boats, 7 per cent, or 6,210 individuals, were referred to the NRM as potential victims of ‘modern slavery’. Of those 6,210 individuals, 5,897 also claimed asylum.
This overlap, and the fact that victims of modern slavery cannot be deported while their claims are being assessed, has led to accusations that the system is being abused. For example, the current Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, pointed out that, between January and September 2022, over 40 per cent of those migrants held in detention pending removal were referred into the NRM.
Unfortunately for the Home Office, however, there are several problems with this view.
First, potential victims cannot self-refer into the UK’s modern slavery support system, known as the National Referral Mechanism (NRM), which means that no one can access modern slavery support without at least some Home Office backing. Instead, they must rely on organisations known as first responders, which include police forces, local authorities, some NGOs and other government agencies, to complete the referral form appropriately. Crucially, within immigration detention, the Home Office itself is the sole first responder.
Second, the statistics do not point to widespread abuses. Even after the significant and much-criticised tightening of the criteria for recognising victims of modern slavery under the former Conservative Government’s 2022 Nationality and Borders Act (NABA), a high proportion of those in detention are still recognised as victims. According to the latest Home Office statistics, 44 per cent of conclusive grounds decisions — the final stage in the NRM process — were positive. Before the NABA was introduced, that number stood at over 80 per cent. Given the unique challenges of identifying modern slavery victims in detention, such as inadequate documentation and problems with the interview process conducted by Home Office officials, the current numbers may well be an underestimate.
Third, even where victims of modern slavery are recognised as such, their chances of remaining in the UK long-term are slim. In theory, confirmed victims may be eligible for Temporary Permission to Remain (VTS) for up to 30 months to assist with their recovery. In practice, few victims benefit from this. In 2023, for example, out of 3,139 adults who gained status as a victim of modern slavery, only 113 were granted VTS. Moreover, even where it is available, VTS does not provide a pathway to indefinite leave to remain or permanent settlement, and grants are typically limited to 12-30 months.
Fortunately, as we argue in the report, there are policies we can put in place that both reduce the harms caused by modern slavery while preventing any abuses that do occur.
First, to improve the chances of modern slavery victims being identified well before they reach immigration detention, we should compel first responder organisations to appoint a dedicated Single Point of Contact (SPOC) for modern slavery, responsible for handling NRM referrals, and that all individuals or teams in these SPOC roles must receive mandatory, specialist NRM training by government-approved providers. This would help to overcome the current lack of awareness of their responsibilities among first responder organisations, which results in some victims being overlooked.
Second, once we have done this, we can then introduce a rebuttable presumption that failed asylum seekers who are in detention and about to be removed are ineligible to be referred to the NRM and claim Temporary Permission to Stay for Victims of Human Trafficking or Slavery (VTS). By raising the threshold for a failed asylum seeker’s successful NRM referral and VTS claim, it should be possible to address any abuses while ensuring that genuine victims of MSHT can still access the necessary support
Third, to provide a more stable pathway for genuine victims, the UK should introduce a capped, dedicated visa for confirmed modern slavery victims. It would be modelled on the US T visa, which allows those who can establish that they are “more likely than not” victims of human trafficking, and who are physically present in the US, to live and work legally in the country for up to four years. As well as providing long-term protection for modern slavery victims, such a visa could also incentivise cooperation with law enforcement. To ease public concerns about annual net migration levels, the number of such visas issued should be subject to an annual cap of 2,000.
Given widespread and well-publicised concerns over all forms of migration, it is hardly surprising that the UK’s modern slavery framework has come under fire. However, as with so many other aspects of the wider immigration debate, it is important to consider the evidence around asylum and the modern slavery system before rushing to judgment on how to fix it.