These savings were desperately needed to make Darling’s books balance. They were put in Labour’s 2010 manifesto.
His cuts were so shocking that, in his own Budget speech in June 2010, George Osborne said that there would be no further such reductions.
As the tenth anniversary of the 2010 election approaches, the author says that Labour’s own austerity record and plans were almost as tough as the Coalition’s.
It is not that he dares to be dull, but that he cannot help being so. He has prudently turned it to his advantage.
He never resolved his conflict between being brought up to repress his emotions and as a politician having to express them.
“He is the Red Adair of the administration – the middle-order batsman who, if the openers are out cheaply, ensures that the middle order does not collapse.”
If our survey’s findings are representative, this majority either agrees with the Chancellor or is in unity mode or both.
We don’t need more laws with anti-strike provisions – the Government already has the tools to deal with the transport crisis.
The May government has so far set its sights no higher than its predecessor. Its aim remains Cameron’s – to build a one million homes during this parliament.
Overall, my advice is not to seek to reduce interest rates yet further which could have contrarian effects.
Led by former Treasury officials, this think tank has placed itself at the heart of the argument about how to help the low-paid.
Brown and Darling began this fantastical claim. A Tory government should not perpetuate it.
All a unionist party does by dissolving its British connections is signal to the electorate that the SNP are right.
Twenty years at Harriet Harman’s high altar of all women shortlists and selection quotas are duly delivering their reward – for the Conservatives.
Voters must be presented with a genuine, informed choice when they are finally given a chance to vote on Britain’s relationship with Europe.