These disputes between the executive, legislature and judiciary are normally settled by a codified constitution, but Israel, like the UK, is unusual in the modern age in not having one
The state of Israel was founded to ensure the physical survival of the Jewish people, not the political survival of one man. Netanyahu forgot the difference and will pay the price.
As IDF generals, serving members of the Mossad, and elite combat reservists swell the ranks of opposition, his only allies are religious hardliners.
The country has interests in a reasonable relationship with Russia, its relationship with the West is far more critical.
The current protests are economic in nature, but build on discontent and cynicism with a monarchy that stifles debate while failing to deliver improving living standards.
Netanyahu prefers to hug the centre of his governing coalitions, playing parties to his right and left off against each other, and keeping power in his own hands. Now he has become a hostage to the right.
Should the current Anyone-but-Netanyahu ensemble collapse under the weight of its diversity, he stands a good chance of returning.
The Democratic establishment back Israel. The party’s rising left does not. And its centre is wavering.
There are still lessons that others can learn – namely, that it has been creative, above all else, in getting the vaccine out.
The agreement involves revising an international border – opposed in this case by the EU and the UK. It will have knock-on effects elsewhere.
Sunni Arab leaders now recognise that Iran’s aggression represents an existential threat to more than just the Jewish state.
Trump’s Middle East peace plan has left the Prime Minister of Israel in severe diplomatic difficulties. But there may be a way out.
Recent events confirm his reputation for being more subtle than any beast in the field of Israeli politics.
Netanyahu’s new government is relied upon a motley crew of extremists. Britain must avoid a similar fate under proportional representation.