The European Parliament is not a Parliament at all. Clarity never arrives. All is opaque, an endless subterranean wrestling match, for the irrelevant voters intolerably dull.
“The Treasury Finance Ministry view of the world isn’t about structural reform to increase the productive capacity of the economy.”
Since Frost’s departure as Brexit Minister, there’s been little hint of who’s going to ‘take back control’ of the regulatory brief.
Our columnist provides the second piece in our series this week about Brexit – almost a year since the end of transition.
‘Let their frail elderly be unvisited in care homes. Let their weddings be postponed’, is the message of this Prime Minister.
Leavers and Remainers have been premature to judge this major constitutional change.
A section of the commentariat was so unbalanced by the referendum result that it now automatically sides with the EU.
The country’s Prime Minister is a classic cakeist – berating the EU on the one hand, but not seeking to leave on the other.
Anti-corruption and cementing new treaties should take precedence over softer fashionable favourites.
The negative economic and political real-world consequences of implementing the Protocol cannot be what either intended.
Any move to grab more powers next year is going to end badly for politicians in Brussels.
Brexit doesn’t just allow the City to make its regulatory regime more competitive; it obliges it to do so.
We can expect greater divergence, whether we like it or not, and should focus on our diplomatic relationships outside the bloc.
Thoughtful, polite and Left-of-Centre, he was the Eurosceptic whom federalists found it hardest to dislike.
EU regulations and directives do form a major block of domestic law and do generate a lot of business costs. We know this because Whitehall’s own past internal audits have revealed it, a field I have been tracking since John Major’s day.