By overselling what it has achieved, the Government risks setting unrealistic expectations and limiting its future room for manoeuvre.
It would be unwise to scupper a deal on data which would allow hands-off, targeted enforcement and free local and mainland-facing Ulster businesses from EU control.
It may be good tough talk to speak of breaking international law, but it does not engender respect. His exact words were not even factually correct.
From the start, the trade bloc has not fully understood the Belfast Agreement and has been slow to see that it undermined many of its positions.
The formal deadline for agreeing an extension to the transition period is close, but Britain is unlikely to ask for one.
There is a good reason why they have rejected all limiting amendments to the Withdrawal Agreement, and are making legislative provision for swift divergence.
Amid heated speculation, we reproduce the possible outcome presented by the former EU adviser to Theresa May.
The unrebuttable fact is that the Prime Minister is in breach of her word, and that the collapse of trust in the Party threatens to be terminal.
If you are sceptical, I understand. I was too. But this is the only viable way forward.
Our last four surveys found rising support for it. Now there is a shift the other way. That bodes badly for any concessions to Corbyn on customs.
The EU asks: what do you want? But the Commons has said what it wants. Namely, the so-called Brady Amendment.
Whilst it remains the case that the Protocol could conceivably remain in force indefinitely, that scenario has become more theoretical than it was previously.
I voted for the Prime Minister’s deal today. But the Commons didn’t – and we now all need a positive alternative.
It is neo-colonialist for MPs to attempt to do otherwise in relation to Crown Dependencies – and the attempt should be resisted.
Whichever way the Prime Minister eventually goes, she will also continue to run the risk of splitting the Conservative Party.