We can now conclude that the alphabet soup of official bodies got it wrong. They have not yet proved terribly contrite about it.
We need to deliver a more robust, and more balanced, outcome than we could in 2019.
The commonsense presumption must be that he wouldn’t be going at all were a deal not at least possible.
“We were held responsible for every failure…this was the main problem. But the EU is like a miracle – almost impossible.”
It’s only Day Three – but Brussels is angling for a Britain with “the rights of Canada and the obligations of Norway”. Will there be a Managed No Deal instead?
Tusk describes it as a “flextension”. The decision increases pressure on MPs to agree to a General Election.
The big prize will be that the UK’s economic and trade freedom will be restored, something May’s backstop would have prevented, potentially indefinitely.
This letter sets out his view again, in contrast to Parliament’s – which is expressed in the unsigned other letter also sent to Tusk.
The Irish Government have failed to grasp the extent to which unionist concerns would be listened in London.
The EU’s latest assessment of British Eurosceptics is half right. Which is better than nothing, but still off.
Plus: I* which I ru* i*to a few a**oyi*g problems fili*g this colum* from my *orfolk retreat.
Remainers cannot both plead Commons supremacy over Brexit and deny it over the Withdrawal Agreement.
Many of our proposals can be introduced quickly. Some might take 12 – 15 months. We don’t believe anything will take longer than two to three years.
“It cannot form part of an agreed Withdrawal Agreement. That is a fact we must both acknowledge. I believe the task before us is to strive to find other solutions.”
There are real, viable answers to this sticky problem. But rebuilding trust may be as hard as resolving technical questions.