Pundits are scornful, and see “blue on blue” violence, when actually the Conservative Party is holding the necessary national argument.
“David was not cold and uncaring. He cared more, loved more, than any politician I have ever known, but critically, like his religious faith, he rarely showed it.”
It seldom occurs to this author that the best way to deal with fashionable absurdities is to laugh at them, and trust in the public’s common sense.
No society can operate on laws alone. The demonisation of opposition by both sides of the Brexit divide is dangerous.
The sparing of Rhodes’s statue, and the rows at Jesus College Cambridge and the National Trust, suggest conservatives are fighting back.
Spoiler alert. At the end of the movie, the space ship is saved, though only after an horrifically high number of those on board have died.
The region has been conspicuously absent from our foreign policy discourse, largely attributable to mistrust on intervention caused by the Iraq war.
The effectiveness of voluntary groups and social enterprises in responding to the pandemic shows their potential.
A magisterial survey of conservatism since the French Revolution brings home how various it is, and how impossible to reduce to an ideology.
“I’m very, very positive about China, but I’m very, very negative about the Chinese Communist Party.”
To paraphrase Burke, they owe their Party, as much as their electors, the benefit of their independent, locally-informed judgement.
There has been a vivid daily demonstration of our collective double-standard in the mass of journalists swarming outside Cummings’s house.
The government’s initial response was in fact admirably Burkean. The full force of law was used sparingly. And you know what? It did the trick.
The Conservative victory in the general election of 2019, on a promise to Get Brexit Done, was a crushing defeat for them.