Targeted help can be provided to those in need, as was the case during the energy crisis. That’s what we should stick to – not a return to bureaucratic mechanisms.
European populism is partially a symptom of the EU’s fatal flaws. We were lucky to escape in 2016, but for the nations who remain, Britain’s role should be that of helpful friend, not mischief-maker.
Furthermore, the world will soon realise that Brexit is no disaster but rather a big positive which could harness growth.
The implications of the crisis are such that Johnson and Sunak need not so much to think outside the box as to trample it to tatters altogether.
At the least, we can expect reduced growth worldwide – and a more expansionary Budget next month.
As a bloc with heightened economic weight, with the UK as a key influence, it would have greater flexibility to negotiate over issues such as immigration and budgetary contributions.
The former Foreign Secretary says May’s team are inexperienced in EU negotiations and are “pushing out disinformation”.
Making London a truly global financial centre again, with all that would imply for Britain’s place in the world, could quickly become more attractive than the apathy of decline, however proudly sovereign.
We need to be tough – without a deal, they should get no money from us, reduced troop levels in Eastern Europe, less help on refugee issues in the Mediterranean.
If Italy really is to make a radical, momentous break with the Euro, sooner or later, voters should explicitly endorse the move.
Replying to Alex Morton’s column of a week ago, the ASI’s Senior Fellow argues that the response to the financial crisis was imperfect, but more right than wrong.
Storming results for the Five Star Movement and the League pose big challenges to the established structure of Italian politics, to the EU, and to the left more generally.
If the Government wants to protect our long-term macroeconomic future, this is the correct step to take.