It’s absurd that we count CO2 output for domestic manufacturing, but not that produced by the manufacture and transportation of imported goods – and that’s just the start.
Government can use research grants, low business taxes and pro-innovation policies to resolve the difficulties. It makes little sense to plough on with taxes and bans.
A major target of Government policy in respect of the domestic and trade economy ought to be the rebalancing of our unsustainable balance of payments deficit.
The worst outcome would be long-term contracts that turn out to be bad value, and which no one feels like they signed up to.
We should be wooing European manufacturers trying to escape the bloc’s protectionism, not replicating it now we’ve left.
Our troubles will be compounded by Ministers’ import promotion policies, most pronounced in the Business, Energy and Agriculture departments.
The industry’s claims, whether on animal welfare or economic value, simply do not stack up, and public support for action is strong.
The International Trade Secretary joined the panel for a live event with Anand Menon, Katy Balls and Andy Burwell, chaired by Paul Goodman.
British proposals for supply-chain certification offers a comprehensive solution based on partnership between producer and consumer nations.
As the great eye of the Conservative Party swivels its gaze towards the Far East, it’s in danger of missing other threats that are closer to home.
To make the most of the policy’s potential, Government must pair it with a raft of other reforms.
If the Government does not communicate what is involved on its own terms, and soon, it risks inspiring a new political insurgency.
Ramping up the UK’s preparations for a No Deal Brexit can also deliver longer-term benefits, boosting the nation’s exports and trade.
From Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan to Friedrich Hayek and Adam Smith, the wisest economic liberals have always been pragmatic about international competition.