Eventually, unless our electoral system changes, a single party will emerge as the dominant force on the Right. Whatever the exact lineage of that party, I know what, before long, its opponents will take to calling it.
The greater diversity of unionist representation after last year’s general election is a good first step, but is no equivalent to the Unionists’ role as part of the broader Conservative coalition in the last century.
He rose above his aristocratic pedigree to become the ultimate servant of his Queen and Country, and ensured that the Conservative Party had a strong foundation upon which to build in the Twentieth Century.
With this year’s Party Conference in Birmingham, I recommend visiting a couple of sites of political heritage in the city where one can learn about the father of two future Tory leaders.
The two parties have different Brexit policies, and it would therefore be impossible for them to project a united appeal.
What he detests is less liberalism than democracy, and the obstacle it poses to Russian foreign policy objectives.
Just as they had with Joe Chamberlain before him, the Tory leadership wooed Lloyd George to fatally fracture the Liberal Party.
The history of our party has much to teach us about how to build on our modern successes.
The Union rests on a bedrock of overwhelming economic logic, but it should be so much more. Let the Prime Minister channel Joe Chamberlain.
She has expressed admiration for Joe, the ambitious social reformer and staunch unionist, but his sons have their own lessons to teach.
Does the Anglican character of Toryism explain why it’s avoided producing the long and fascinating list of breakaways sported by Labour and the Liberals?
A further graft from the remnants of Labour and the LibDems might be the best way of preserving the Union and providing an alternative government to the SNP.
Yes, our party has previously collaborated with and absorbed smaller parties of the right – but they were very different beasts, in very different circumstances.