The former Chief Adviser has had little to do with the negotiation recently, but his leaving has knock-on effects on it. Here’s why.
Will we get back our sovereignty next year? Will the agreement be good in trade terms? I fear ministers may end up settling for thin gruel.
Johnson and Cummings’ previous assaults on the pre-Brexit order have been brilliantly conceived. This one may not be up to the same standard.
In the wake of Johnson’s deal, the Government must balance its plan for Northern Ireland with strengthening “our precious Union” – all four parts of it.
The final humiliation is now being delivered upon us in the form of the European elections – elections to an institution that we voted to leave three years ago.
The panel, comprising legally-trained Conservative and DUP MPs as well as outside experts, set out their full legal reasoning for rejecting the deal.
Which presumably means, since Dodds is one of the eight, that the DUP takes the same view.
If her revised plan fails, the most likely outcomes are an even softer Brexit or a second referendum.
The latter, we believe. And we caution against presuming that they are predisposed to support a revised deal.
I also propose the Government staying neutral to recognise that people across the Conservative Party have very genuinely held, but different, views.
A new leader would need a new plan to reverse this evident humiliation of May’s leadership and of British statecraft.
You may have thought his speech over the top. (And he may have thought so too.) But politics needs top-flight people who are really good at what they do.
The Prime Minister once promised that: “We are not leaving only to return to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. That’s not going to happen.”
I would propose that we pay a total of €12 billion as our “divorce bill” – even if there’s no FTA. But subject to three conditions.
The agreement that Johnson has obtained rights the wrongs inflicted by Major and a succession of Europhile Prime Ministers.