One can hardly deny the chronic instability at the top of our party, but for the most part this hasn’t been caused by the rivalrous presence of an oven-ready successor.
He does not just say what people want him to say, regardless of whether he can achieve it.
In his youth he was mocked for being weird, but in middle age he upholds conventional wisdom.
This book will delight many of those who see the Brexit PM as a disgrace.
The Deputy Prime Minister, who has prepared Tory leaders since Howard for PMQs, at last stepped into the limelight himself.
The two leaders preached to the converted by trading exaggerated insults.
Starmer’s Shadow Cabinet ministers have repeatedly lent support to activist groups that seek to reduce police powers to crack down on those very same gun-toting gangs.
His plan for 2024 is to say: “I may not be most exciting politician in the world. But I’m the more reliable of the two before you. What I promise I then deliver.” It’s unlikely to be enough on its own.
Under this scheme, the ’22 Executive would change the rules, Truss would go – and a high threshold would be set to ensure only a single nomination.
Every leader fails on one or more of my tests. However, her special achievement is to have flunked all of them in the space of a few weeks.
I called recently for the Cabinet to tell Johnson that the game is up, and Dowden’s resignation is the closest that any of them have got.
No Conservative leader has lost a challenge as Prime Minister, but neither have any survived their victories by as much as a year.
As Blair realised, but his successor apparently does not, hysterical denunciations of political leaders are liable to prove counter-productive.
There is much to be said for incremental reform, but too much caution can tip over into a failure to act boldly.