It’s no good massing troops in eastern Europe if the western powers depend on Beijing for critical industries and infrastructure.
Since at least 2008, he has been striving to ‘Make Russia Great Again’ through the old Tsarist gambit of ‘strategic depth.’
Delivering the right vehicle cannot be premised on the idea that non-EU states are merely satellites of Brussels.
The recent drive, apparently coordinated between Paris and Berlin, to push Ukraine for a compromise settlement must be resisted.
It is an essential British interest that Putin’s efforts to split Germany, France and Italy from the front line states fails.
The Government could dangle before the EU another gain it wants in order to win a revised Protocol.
Both countries look set to continue to rub along uneasily, mixing elements of cooperation and competition along the way.
Or are more than three million armed personnel going to continue to sit it out while the Ukrainians battle it out?
The European Union has wholly failed to coordinate a European economic strategy that minimises dependence on Russia.
Germany, Hungary, Italy and Bulgaria are highly dependent on Russian gas exports, raising the prospect of bitter arguments to come.
They find themselves wondering what place their nation has within the European Union, and in dealing with Putin.
Next, European policies towards China, both in the EU and in the UK, are likely to come under increased scrutiny.
Liberal commentators can no longer use the former Chancellor as a stick with which to beat British Prime Ministers.
In the public imagination, his vague nuclear threats suggest intercontinental strikes against western cities. But suppose they mean something else.
We have a legal duty to intervene if chemical weapons are used, and that is a duty we must not fail.