Keynesian Macmillan got through four Chancellors in six years. We hope that Boosterist Johnson, who’s already lost one, doesn’t see this as a precedent.
The present election will turn on whether MPs and activists put national popularity before ideological soundness.
How a unique combination of Heath and Powell saw the Tories swept to power from Sheffield to Lambeth.
He made grotesque errors of taste and judgement – see “Rivers of Blood”. But even his critics admit that he was one of the great parliamentarians of the 20th century.
Bonar Law’s words in 1922 apply to the present leader: “The party elects a leader, and that leader chooses the policy, and if the party does not like it, they have to get another leader.”
In the best of all worlds, standards would be upheld voluntarily. But in the world we have, we seem to need rules – and sometimes to extend them.
The former Labour MP’s defection, and the later split within that party, has not yet found in a parallel in our own turbulent times.
He wouldn’t have let Cash and Fox, Johnson and Rees-Mogg seize the agenda. He would have fought Farage’s populism as he fought that of Powell.
They have gone either way in successive elections, but their recent results show up electoral trends that helping the Tories.
He defeated the favourite, Reggie Maudling. And ever since, when offered a choice, the Tories have gone with the less familiar face among the main candidates.
The early training that David Cameron and his team received in the Conservative Research Department proved decisive.
Our final pre-election version – complete with the 30 new Tory candidates most likely to make it to the Commons.
Think of today’s two main parties led in 2015 by Nicholas Soames and Denis Healey and you are part of the way there.
The classic pattern of Government honeymoon, mid-term discontent and Government recovery happens less often than one might believe.
Our monthly history columnist says that the man who Edward Heath later beat for the leadership almost pulled it off.