Christopher Howarth is a former special adviser in the Home Office, parliamentary researcher for the European Research Group, and Conservative candidate at the 2019 general election.
When 17,410,742 electors voted for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, it was the largest demonstration of democracy in British history; the right decision taken for the right reasons.
It was the right decision because the UK and the EU had been on paths to different destinations for many years. The EU was (and is) set on “ever closer union”, assuming for itself the mantle of statehood, a common trade policy, common citizenship and, increasingly, common defence and foreign policy. Meanwhile the UK saw its membership, as at best, a pragmatic arrangement.
The two end points were ultimately irreconcilable. From Maastricht through Nice, Amsterdam, and final Lisbon Treaty, it was becoming more and more difficult to cover the growing gap – despite endless talk of carve outs, and different speeds and tiers.
David Cameron’s renegotiation was thus bound to fail; membership had become a binary choice. The British people chose to leave, and pursue a more honest relationship with the EU from outside.
Sadly, the majority of MPs in Parliament were not inclined to honour the result. Instead of planning to leave, they spent the next three years fighting to overturn the decision. Politicians poured their energy into remaining in the customs union – and accepting EU rules and policies – while leaving Brussels’ decision-making apparatus.
As a result, the UK wasted years (and tens of billions in budget contributions) before we eventually left at the end of 2020. Things could have been very different if the UK had had a pro-Brexit government and Parliament in 2016; but it didn’t, and its people – especially in Northern Ireland – paid the price.
However, while the sins of the May Government regarding Ulster and the withdrawal negotiations are well known, and not as yet fully healed, that should not obscure the very real benefits that Brexit has brought and will bring to the UK.
These come in two parts. Firstly, the use of new freedoms to develop new policies suited to British priorities:
- Democratic accountability. The UK can now set its own laws and regulations that suit its own economy and democracy. It is now MPs in Westminster that get the final say on the regulation of old and new industries, not the power brokers in Brussels.
- Trade policy. Britain now has 70 of its own trade deals, based on its own interests, including with Australia and New Zealand. The UK has tariff-free access to the EU and is negotiating admission to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, gaining access to the two biggest global trade blocs.
- A truly independent foreign policy. Inside the EU, this country was subject to interminable horse-trading that meant our interests on diverse subjects were often suborned to others. Inside the EU, British policy regarding Ukraine and AUKUS (a major win for both our engineering sector and global security) would have likely been much more cautious. Outside, we can align our trade and foreign policy goals.
- Regulation and self-reliance. Without Brexit, the UK would certainly have joined the EU’s vaccine programme and so not have been under pressure to create its own superior and faster developments and rollouts. We have also freed up hundreds of billions for investment via reforming EU financial regulations.
- Money and borders. Britain is no longer liable for an annual budget contribution, and EU recycling of British funds back into this country. We have left the free-movement common labour market, and been able to reduce the amount of lower skilled migration as a result.
Secondly, the counter-factual: what we have avoided by the five-minutes-to-midnight decision to leave the EU project:
- ‘Ever closer union’. Had we voted remain, we would have been continually up against the desire of much of the rest of the EU (or at least its elites) for more centralisation. Only last week, the foreign ministers of nine Member States, including Germany, called for the removal of the foreign policy veto.
- Ever-rising contributions. The UK was a net payee into the EU budget, and that has grown over time. Remaining in would have led to bigger bills: the EU has recently proposed a €2 trillion covid recovery fund.
- Harmonisation in new industries. In the EU, we would be subject to rules on new industries such as AI and gene editing that could be growth areas for the UK.
- Free movement of people. Britain would have had to accept free-movement of EU citizens – a particular risk if there were another Eurozone recession.
- Pressure to join the Euro. The pressure to join the Euro would have persisted, as the Eurozone states continue to dominate the EU.
- Separatism. Inside the EU, separatists could have continued to peddle the idea of independent within the EU, playing down the risks of breaking up the UK.
The UK has a bright future. We are now in advanced negotiations to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), with countries such as Japan, Taiwan, Canada. and Chile. some of the fastest-growing global economies, with a combined economy of over £11 trillion.
The combination of the UK/EU deal, the CPTPP, and our ability to make our own regulations puts Britain in a strong position to compete. For example, we are now using our regulatory freedom to reform financial service laws – and EY’s latest Attractiveness Survey for Financial Services now ranks the UK as number one in Europe.
Of course, the freedom to make your own policies does not mean we get everything right. The UK has replicated many of the same mistakes as the EU regarding energy costs, central bank-charged inflation, and high taxes. It also has work to do to reduce harmful Treasury-inspired policies such as an over-reliance on imported labour and skills.
But as an independent state, the electorate can now decide the policies it wishes to see its government pursue – and hold politicians to account for their failures.
Claims by those who never wanted to leave the EU that every down-turn or misstep in Britain is a result of Brexit look increasingly ludicrous. They are often an excuse for an institution’s own failings; Mark Carney’s desire to blame inflation on anything other than his own money printing is a recent case in point.
With time and the right policies, the UK can be a haven for competitive new industries. It is up to us to make the right decisions, and we will have nobody else to blame if we don’t.
Christopher Howarth is a former special adviser in the Home Office, parliamentary researcher for the European Research Group, and Conservative candidate at the 2019 general election.
When 17,410,742 electors voted for the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, it was the largest demonstration of democracy in British history; the right decision taken for the right reasons.
It was the right decision because the UK and the EU had been on paths to different destinations for many years. The EU was (and is) set on “ever closer union”, assuming for itself the mantle of statehood, a common trade policy, common citizenship and, increasingly, common defence and foreign policy. Meanwhile the UK saw its membership, as at best, a pragmatic arrangement.
The two end points were ultimately irreconcilable. From Maastricht through Nice, Amsterdam, and final Lisbon Treaty, it was becoming more and more difficult to cover the growing gap – despite endless talk of carve outs, and different speeds and tiers.
David Cameron’s renegotiation was thus bound to fail; membership had become a binary choice. The British people chose to leave, and pursue a more honest relationship with the EU from outside.
Sadly, the majority of MPs in Parliament were not inclined to honour the result. Instead of planning to leave, they spent the next three years fighting to overturn the decision. Politicians poured their energy into remaining in the customs union – and accepting EU rules and policies – while leaving Brussels’ decision-making apparatus.
As a result, the UK wasted years (and tens of billions in budget contributions) before we eventually left at the end of 2020. Things could have been very different if the UK had had a pro-Brexit government and Parliament in 2016; but it didn’t, and its people – especially in Northern Ireland – paid the price.
However, while the sins of the May Government regarding Ulster and the withdrawal negotiations are well known, and not as yet fully healed, that should not obscure the very real benefits that Brexit has brought and will bring to the UK.
These come in two parts. Firstly, the use of new freedoms to develop new policies suited to British priorities:
Secondly, the counter-factual: what we have avoided by the five-minutes-to-midnight decision to leave the EU project:
The UK has a bright future. We are now in advanced negotiations to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), with countries such as Japan, Taiwan, Canada. and Chile. some of the fastest-growing global economies, with a combined economy of over £11 trillion.
The combination of the UK/EU deal, the CPTPP, and our ability to make our own regulations puts Britain in a strong position to compete. For example, we are now using our regulatory freedom to reform financial service laws – and EY’s latest Attractiveness Survey for Financial Services now ranks the UK as number one in Europe.
Of course, the freedom to make your own policies does not mean we get everything right. The UK has replicated many of the same mistakes as the EU regarding energy costs, central bank-charged inflation, and high taxes. It also has work to do to reduce harmful Treasury-inspired policies such as an over-reliance on imported labour and skills.
But as an independent state, the electorate can now decide the policies it wishes to see its government pursue – and hold politicians to account for their failures.
Claims by those who never wanted to leave the EU that every down-turn or misstep in Britain is a result of Brexit look increasingly ludicrous. They are often an excuse for an institution’s own failings; Mark Carney’s desire to blame inflation on anything other than his own money printing is a recent case in point.
With time and the right policies, the UK can be a haven for competitive new industries. It is up to us to make the right decisions, and we will have nobody else to blame if we don’t.