Sir Brandon Lewis is the Member of Parliament for Great Yarmouth, and was Northern Ireland Secretary from 2020 to 2022.
I am disappointed, but not entirely surprised, to see the Irish Government take legal action against the British Government’s legislation for dealing with the Legacy of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
This was always an incredibly sensitive and contentious issue to deal with. But at least the Government has brought forward a plan to address the legacy of one of the most painful periods in our shared history, as well as ensuring appropriate protections for our brave veterans who served in Northern Ireland.
I am proud to have been the Secretary of State who took this legislation forward and worked with colleagues across the House to find a way forward.
The Irish Government, meanwhile, have never produced any credible, workable plan to provide information for victims and their families.
With elections looming in 2024, and the two current parties of government in Dublin under pressure from Sinn Féin, there is a real sense that this is as much driven by their own domestic politics and posturing as anything else.
Fianna Fáil is led by Micheál Martin, who made the announcement about this legal action. His party has a strong relationship with the SDLP in Northern Ireland; in turn the SDLP have a long standing relationship with the Labour Party of Great Britain.
(I refer to them as the Labour Party of Great Britain because they do not field candidates in Northern Ireland; it is only our Conservative and Unionist Party that fields candidates in every part of our country.)
It would not be unreasonable therefore to question if this action is driven more by naked political posturing rather than any meaningful attempt to seek answers for victims of the Troubles and their long-suffering families.
Certainly, it is a convenient coincidence that, in suggesting this legislation is in breach of the ECHR, the Irish Government may further stoke tensions over the Convention within our Party – a development that can’t be anything other than a helping hand to the Labour Party.
As such, this legal challenge could be seen to be seen not as advancing the best interests of any community in Northern Ireland, let alone the Province as a whole, but as pure politics at its worst.
I wrote for this website in 2022 about the reasoning for the decisions we came to in putting together the legacy legislation, it was a delicate and painstaking process and it now forms the backbone of the Legacy Act.
It has always been vital to ensure that we give the best opportunity for victims and their families to get to the truth of what happened during that dreadful period of our history, as well as ensuring we delivery on our manifesto pledge and moral duty to protect the veterans who served.
I still believe this legislation finds the right balance; it is difficult for many to accept, but it reflects the painful reality of the period.
We should not allow the Irish government or our opponents to distract us from our purpose with this legislation: to help all the communities of Northern Ireland. We owe it to all those who suffered, or served, or both, to finally deliver for both victims and veterans – no matter how difficult it may be.
The challenge of how to address the legacy left by the Troubles is one that has faced us for nearly 25 years. Successive governments tried and failed to bring forward legislation to address it.
Since the signing of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998 there has been no agreement on the approach to legacy issues in Northern Ireland, and every year that goes by the opportunity to establish the truth about the 3500 killings in the Troubles becomes ever more remote.
While Labour Party and the Irish Government seem to continue to debate among themselves whose side they are on, they have still not presented a viable alternative proposal that would deliver for victims and veterans.
That the chances of securing a successful prosecution for a Troubles-related crime are negligible, because of the passage of time and the quality of evidence now available, is a difficult fact to face.
But face it we must. Two-thirds of Troubles cases are more than 40 years old, and we have seen case after case collapse in recent times. The Legacy Act, in recognition of that fact, creates a definitive move to a model that focusses primarily on information and reconciliation. It reflects the hugely challenging compromises that have been made to support the peace process since 1998 by the British and Irish governments.
This legislation will help ensure that more victims and survivors – the overwhelming majority of whom are victims of terrorist violence – are able to obtain answers about those who caused them harm.
In light of this move by Dublin, it is important to note that Michael McDowell, who served as Ireland’s Attorney General between 1999 and 2002, has described the “de facto moratorium on investigation and prosecution of IRA members” that the Irish Government has implemented since 1998.
Some might prefer not to confront the rank hypocrisy that explosive claim implies. But I believe we must continue to be honest about the reality of where we are, not where we or others wish we were.
This legislation was always going to be hugely challenging for many. But compassion, and commitment to truth and accountability, is the only way we can move forward in peace, bring understanding and reconciliation for the next generation, and enable Northern Irish society to look forward.
This latest party-political posturing by the Irish Government serves no one, least of all the victims and veterans of the Troubles who have suffered too much, for too long.
Being in government is a privilege and it requires compromises to be made and difficult decisions to be taken. Our Legacy Act is the best chance of addressing the legacy of the Troubles at last – let’s not lose sight of that.
Sir Brandon Lewis is the Member of Parliament for Great Yarmouth, and was Northern Ireland Secretary from 2020 to 2022.
I am disappointed, but not entirely surprised, to see the Irish Government take legal action against the British Government’s legislation for dealing with the Legacy of the Troubles in Northern Ireland.
This was always an incredibly sensitive and contentious issue to deal with. But at least the Government has brought forward a plan to address the legacy of one of the most painful periods in our shared history, as well as ensuring appropriate protections for our brave veterans who served in Northern Ireland.
I am proud to have been the Secretary of State who took this legislation forward and worked with colleagues across the House to find a way forward.
The Irish Government, meanwhile, have never produced any credible, workable plan to provide information for victims and their families.
With elections looming in 2024, and the two current parties of government in Dublin under pressure from Sinn Féin, there is a real sense that this is as much driven by their own domestic politics and posturing as anything else.
Fianna Fáil is led by Micheál Martin, who made the announcement about this legal action. His party has a strong relationship with the SDLP in Northern Ireland; in turn the SDLP have a long standing relationship with the Labour Party of Great Britain.
(I refer to them as the Labour Party of Great Britain because they do not field candidates in Northern Ireland; it is only our Conservative and Unionist Party that fields candidates in every part of our country.)
It would not be unreasonable therefore to question if this action is driven more by naked political posturing rather than any meaningful attempt to seek answers for victims of the Troubles and their long-suffering families.
Certainly, it is a convenient coincidence that, in suggesting this legislation is in breach of the ECHR, the Irish Government may further stoke tensions over the Convention within our Party – a development that can’t be anything other than a helping hand to the Labour Party.
As such, this legal challenge could be seen to be seen not as advancing the best interests of any community in Northern Ireland, let alone the Province as a whole, but as pure politics at its worst.
I wrote for this website in 2022 about the reasoning for the decisions we came to in putting together the legacy legislation, it was a delicate and painstaking process and it now forms the backbone of the Legacy Act.
It has always been vital to ensure that we give the best opportunity for victims and their families to get to the truth of what happened during that dreadful period of our history, as well as ensuring we delivery on our manifesto pledge and moral duty to protect the veterans who served.
I still believe this legislation finds the right balance; it is difficult for many to accept, but it reflects the painful reality of the period.
We should not allow the Irish government or our opponents to distract us from our purpose with this legislation: to help all the communities of Northern Ireland. We owe it to all those who suffered, or served, or both, to finally deliver for both victims and veterans – no matter how difficult it may be.
The challenge of how to address the legacy left by the Troubles is one that has faced us for nearly 25 years. Successive governments tried and failed to bring forward legislation to address it.
Since the signing of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998 there has been no agreement on the approach to legacy issues in Northern Ireland, and every year that goes by the opportunity to establish the truth about the 3500 killings in the Troubles becomes ever more remote.
While Labour Party and the Irish Government seem to continue to debate among themselves whose side they are on, they have still not presented a viable alternative proposal that would deliver for victims and veterans.
That the chances of securing a successful prosecution for a Troubles-related crime are negligible, because of the passage of time and the quality of evidence now available, is a difficult fact to face.
But face it we must. Two-thirds of Troubles cases are more than 40 years old, and we have seen case after case collapse in recent times. The Legacy Act, in recognition of that fact, creates a definitive move to a model that focusses primarily on information and reconciliation. It reflects the hugely challenging compromises that have been made to support the peace process since 1998 by the British and Irish governments.
This legislation will help ensure that more victims and survivors – the overwhelming majority of whom are victims of terrorist violence – are able to obtain answers about those who caused them harm.
In light of this move by Dublin, it is important to note that Michael McDowell, who served as Ireland’s Attorney General between 1999 and 2002, has described the “de facto moratorium on investigation and prosecution of IRA members” that the Irish Government has implemented since 1998.
Some might prefer not to confront the rank hypocrisy that explosive claim implies. But I believe we must continue to be honest about the reality of where we are, not where we or others wish we were.
This legislation was always going to be hugely challenging for many. But compassion, and commitment to truth and accountability, is the only way we can move forward in peace, bring understanding and reconciliation for the next generation, and enable Northern Irish society to look forward.
This latest party-political posturing by the Irish Government serves no one, least of all the victims and veterans of the Troubles who have suffered too much, for too long.
Being in government is a privilege and it requires compromises to be made and difficult decisions to be taken. Our Legacy Act is the best chance of addressing the legacy of the Troubles at last – let’s not lose sight of that.