Tori Peck is a Conservative campaigner and activist.
Scrolling through social media the morning after the Gorton and Denton by-election, showed me two parallel universes.
On X, where I follow politics, the result was met with despair. Posts about sectarianism and the end of 2 party politics. On Instagram, where I follow real life friends and lifestyle accounts people were enthusiastically posting what they thought was a brilliant result.
I had a similar feeling when the interesting New Statesman article on ‘Angry Young Women’ came out. Those who spend time in the space recognised the growing disenfranchisement of young women whilst plenty on the right seemed incredulous that women are looking around and not liking what they see.
Whether you agree with their views or not, it’s important that those on the right understand what’s driving this move further left. It matters because women under 50 are more likely to vote Green than any other party. That’s a quarter of all voters and follows international patterns of growing gender voting gaps.
Even after losing two seats to them at the last election, we haven’t taken the threat from the Greens seriously. Their significant rise in popularity is not simply going to damage the Labour Party.
It’s not any green policy, nor really any polices that are turning heads; social media and vibes are a stronger determinant.
Young women are spending more time online than anyone else. The sites that they use are not overtly political, nor are they actively seeking Green content, but what they do see shapes the news they notice and the views they hold. These spaces often feed a politics that society is broken for them and that the fault lies with the unfair powers that sit within the traditional political system.
It is also a politics that is staunchly pro-Gaza as a measure of moral purity, resulting in recent polling showing Gaza as the number one issue for women under 25. Any pursuit of sectarianism is equally likely to gain the support of many young women.
Whilst Labour did fairly well with young women in 2024, they have more reason than most to feel let down by them. Economic decisions have disproportionately impacted the sectors and types of jobs women rely on. Home ownership remains less likely for them than anyone else. Failed by politicians promising change and delivering not the same, but worse. Prioritising the old over the young.
Young women (and men) are conscious of being in the first generations where life chances for them are smaller than generations before them, and even smaller for the next.
As disenfranchised young men found Farage, disenfranchised young women are energised by Polanski. His reach across social media works so well because it is organic, highly curated and largely unchallenged.
Short of extending the social media ban from 16 to 60, this trend is difficult to beat. But we are increasingly making cut through organically on the issues that women care about, being true to our values.
Recent announcements on student loans are effective, addressing both immediate cost of living pressures and the sense of unfairness. The phone free schools campaign has proved very popular and visible with women, distinguishing the Conservatives as the party that fights for issues that matter to them. In an age of disillusionment with politicians, Kemi’s authenticity matters.
A renewed Conservative offer must include a renewed case for capitalism that works, for those whose political consciousness came after 2008. And set out a positive vision for a country and future that works, both to those who believe our history shames us, and to those who believe our glory lies only in our past.
At the same time, we cannot leave the challenge of the Green Party to the left. We must be forensic in showing their deluded policies for what they are. For when people see past the vibes, they don’t always like what’s there.
On Mumsnet, which I’ve written about before, there is some sympathy for the Greens but women are drawing the line on their views on sex-based rights. Their platform of ‘making hope normal again’ makes a great Instagram post but there is nothing hopeful about their employment and business policies and nothing normal about having wanted to legislate against childbirth intervention.
Whether you like it or not, politics has changed. It is incumbent on us to find, and fight for our place in the new politics.
The voting patterns of Gorton and Denton are not likely to be replicated like for like in any other seat at the next general election, nor the locals. But there is a growing challenge in every seat with each Tory candidate facing a 4/5-way vote split with some of the messiest tactical voting ever seen.
The Greens are playing an ever-increasing role in this and benefitting from it. The right must play a more active role in challenging them too.
We may know that Zack Polanksi is a clown, and a dangerous one at that. But he’s the one laughing right now.
Tori Peck is a Conservative campaigner and activist.
Scrolling through social media the morning after the Gorton and Denton by-election, showed me two parallel universes.
On X, where I follow politics, the result was met with despair. Posts about sectarianism and the end of 2 party politics. On Instagram, where I follow real life friends and lifestyle accounts people were enthusiastically posting what they thought was a brilliant result.
I had a similar feeling when the interesting New Statesman article on ‘Angry Young Women’ came out. Those who spend time in the space recognised the growing disenfranchisement of young women whilst plenty on the right seemed incredulous that women are looking around and not liking what they see.
Whether you agree with their views or not, it’s important that those on the right understand what’s driving this move further left. It matters because women under 50 are more likely to vote Green than any other party. That’s a quarter of all voters and follows international patterns of growing gender voting gaps.
Even after losing two seats to them at the last election, we haven’t taken the threat from the Greens seriously. Their significant rise in popularity is not simply going to damage the Labour Party.
It’s not any green policy, nor really any polices that are turning heads; social media and vibes are a stronger determinant.
Young women are spending more time online than anyone else. The sites that they use are not overtly political, nor are they actively seeking Green content, but what they do see shapes the news they notice and the views they hold. These spaces often feed a politics that society is broken for them and that the fault lies with the unfair powers that sit within the traditional political system.
It is also a politics that is staunchly pro-Gaza as a measure of moral purity, resulting in recent polling showing Gaza as the number one issue for women under 25. Any pursuit of sectarianism is equally likely to gain the support of many young women.
Whilst Labour did fairly well with young women in 2024, they have more reason than most to feel let down by them. Economic decisions have disproportionately impacted the sectors and types of jobs women rely on. Home ownership remains less likely for them than anyone else. Failed by politicians promising change and delivering not the same, but worse. Prioritising the old over the young.
Young women (and men) are conscious of being in the first generations where life chances for them are smaller than generations before them, and even smaller for the next.
As disenfranchised young men found Farage, disenfranchised young women are energised by Polanski. His reach across social media works so well because it is organic, highly curated and largely unchallenged.
Short of extending the social media ban from 16 to 60, this trend is difficult to beat. But we are increasingly making cut through organically on the issues that women care about, being true to our values.
Recent announcements on student loans are effective, addressing both immediate cost of living pressures and the sense of unfairness. The phone free schools campaign has proved very popular and visible with women, distinguishing the Conservatives as the party that fights for issues that matter to them. In an age of disillusionment with politicians, Kemi’s authenticity matters.
A renewed Conservative offer must include a renewed case for capitalism that works, for those whose political consciousness came after 2008. And set out a positive vision for a country and future that works, both to those who believe our history shames us, and to those who believe our glory lies only in our past.
At the same time, we cannot leave the challenge of the Green Party to the left. We must be forensic in showing their deluded policies for what they are. For when people see past the vibes, they don’t always like what’s there.
On Mumsnet, which I’ve written about before, there is some sympathy for the Greens but women are drawing the line on their views on sex-based rights. Their platform of ‘making hope normal again’ makes a great Instagram post but there is nothing hopeful about their employment and business policies and nothing normal about having wanted to legislate against childbirth intervention.
Whether you like it or not, politics has changed. It is incumbent on us to find, and fight for our place in the new politics.
The voting patterns of Gorton and Denton are not likely to be replicated like for like in any other seat at the next general election, nor the locals. But there is a growing challenge in every seat with each Tory candidate facing a 4/5-way vote split with some of the messiest tactical voting ever seen.
The Greens are playing an ever-increasing role in this and benefitting from it. The right must play a more active role in challenging them too.
We may know that Zack Polanksi is a clown, and a dangerous one at that. But he’s the one laughing right now.