Era Sakhuja is a Master of Arts candidate in Politics and International Relations (Political Theory) at Durham University and a Policy Analyst at the Centre for International Security and Economic Strategy (CISES)
In 1946, Winston Churchill delivered an address in Zurich calling for the restoration of the European family based on cooperation and liberal values. While the institutional architecture of Europe has changed vastly since then, the core premise of Conservatism endures. That premise is that the safety and wealth of Britain are bound up with the stability of its neighbours. Given that the UK finds itself in a volatile global economic environment, the centre-right needs to reclaim its internationalist tradition and forge a pragmatic alliance with Europe.
The internal debate about Britain’s relationship with Europe has long been held hostage by the spectre of the last ten years, but the geopolitical landscape in 2026 calls for the UK to cast off the past and look to the future. The political tectonic plates of Europe have moved significantly. Consider Germany, where the economic torpor of the previous centre-left government has been overturned in favour of a rejuvenated market-friendly centre-right government in Berlin. Such a government is laser-focused on precisely the priorities of the British centre-right, including the promotion of economic competitiveness, the reduction of red tape and the strengthening of European military defence against Russian aggression.
This ideological congruence provides a generational opportunity for the UK. Isolationist tendencies have no place in modern day One Nation conservatism. Instead, it must be recognised that the protection of liberal democratic institutions and support for free markets cannot exist in isolation from the rest of the world.
The case for economic dynamism is clear. The continued importance of the UK’s economic relationship with the EU is undeniable, with approximately 41 per cent of UK exports and 49-51 per cent of imports going to and coming from Europe respectively. Friction between the UK and the EU hinders economic growth by unfairly disadvantaging small and medium-sized businesses that are critical to the UK’s economic success. For instance, complex customs declarations and regulatory divergences disproportionately increase administrative overheads for smaller exporters compared to large multinational corporations. A pragmatic conservative approach must take an evidence-based strategic position that avoids the deregulation trap while ensuring dynamic alignment of standards in emerging economic sectors such as digital services, artificial intelligence and renewable energy technologies.
The need for an upgraded relationship goes well beyond economic considerations; it is a question of national security. It has become clear from recent events that the international system of rules is extremely vulnerable. While the British centre-right is right to defend sovereign democracies, the answer cannot be ad hoc alliances; it must involve institutionalised cooperation. As the German chancellor’s office commits to increased defence expenditure—meeting and exceeding NATO’s 2 per cent GDP target—and a firmer European security approach, the UK should take on the pivotal role of mediator between NATO and Europe.
The Pragmatic approach is correct in stressing the importance of institutions. The UK should seek a full UK-EU Security and Defence Treaty involving intelligence sharing, joint procurement and common foreign policies towards authoritarian states. Such a treaty would uphold the conservative responsibility of defending the realm while promoting liberalism around the world.
It might be contended that working more closely with Europe would go against the mandate given by voters in the 2016 Brexit referendum. But it is important to note that conservatism does not mean blind adherence to dogmas. This was understood by Peel when he repealed the Corn Laws and Disraeli understood it when he expanded the right to vote. Similarly, it is time that the conservative movement showed its adaptability once again by understanding that Global Britain and European Britain are not mutually exclusive but rather complementary.
If the centre-right is to be brought back into the equation as a realistic alternative for governing, it needs to offer an agenda that is forward-looking, merit-based and outward-looking. The Conservative Party cannot afford to be a party of managed decline or narrow resentment. It must become the builder of a safe, successful and open society.
By forging a new practical alliance with the rising centre-right in Europe, the UK will not only be able to address market failures, enhance democratic processes and foster the economic growth required to improve living standards, but also move on from intellectual battles and re-enter the world arena.
Era Sakhuja is a Master of Arts candidate in Politics and International Relations (Political Theory) at Durham University and a Policy Analyst at the Centre for International Security and Economic Strategy (CISES)
In 1946, Winston Churchill delivered an address in Zurich calling for the restoration of the European family based on cooperation and liberal values. While the institutional architecture of Europe has changed vastly since then, the core premise of Conservatism endures. That premise is that the safety and wealth of Britain are bound up with the stability of its neighbours. Given that the UK finds itself in a volatile global economic environment, the centre-right needs to reclaim its internationalist tradition and forge a pragmatic alliance with Europe.
The internal debate about Britain’s relationship with Europe has long been held hostage by the spectre of the last ten years, but the geopolitical landscape in 2026 calls for the UK to cast off the past and look to the future. The political tectonic plates of Europe have moved significantly. Consider Germany, where the economic torpor of the previous centre-left government has been overturned in favour of a rejuvenated market-friendly centre-right government in Berlin. Such a government is laser-focused on precisely the priorities of the British centre-right, including the promotion of economic competitiveness, the reduction of red tape and the strengthening of European military defence against Russian aggression.
This ideological congruence provides a generational opportunity for the UK. Isolationist tendencies have no place in modern day One Nation conservatism. Instead, it must be recognised that the protection of liberal democratic institutions and support for free markets cannot exist in isolation from the rest of the world.
The case for economic dynamism is clear. The continued importance of the UK’s economic relationship with the EU is undeniable, with approximately 41 per cent of UK exports and 49-51 per cent of imports going to and coming from Europe respectively. Friction between the UK and the EU hinders economic growth by unfairly disadvantaging small and medium-sized businesses that are critical to the UK’s economic success. For instance, complex customs declarations and regulatory divergences disproportionately increase administrative overheads for smaller exporters compared to large multinational corporations. A pragmatic conservative approach must take an evidence-based strategic position that avoids the deregulation trap while ensuring dynamic alignment of standards in emerging economic sectors such as digital services, artificial intelligence and renewable energy technologies.
The need for an upgraded relationship goes well beyond economic considerations; it is a question of national security. It has become clear from recent events that the international system of rules is extremely vulnerable. While the British centre-right is right to defend sovereign democracies, the answer cannot be ad hoc alliances; it must involve institutionalised cooperation. As the German chancellor’s office commits to increased defence expenditure—meeting and exceeding NATO’s 2 per cent GDP target—and a firmer European security approach, the UK should take on the pivotal role of mediator between NATO and Europe.
The Pragmatic approach is correct in stressing the importance of institutions. The UK should seek a full UK-EU Security and Defence Treaty involving intelligence sharing, joint procurement and common foreign policies towards authoritarian states. Such a treaty would uphold the conservative responsibility of defending the realm while promoting liberalism around the world.
It might be contended that working more closely with Europe would go against the mandate given by voters in the 2016 Brexit referendum. But it is important to note that conservatism does not mean blind adherence to dogmas. This was understood by Peel when he repealed the Corn Laws and Disraeli understood it when he expanded the right to vote. Similarly, it is time that the conservative movement showed its adaptability once again by understanding that Global Britain and European Britain are not mutually exclusive but rather complementary.
If the centre-right is to be brought back into the equation as a realistic alternative for governing, it needs to offer an agenda that is forward-looking, merit-based and outward-looking. The Conservative Party cannot afford to be a party of managed decline or narrow resentment. It must become the builder of a safe, successful and open society.
By forging a new practical alliance with the rising centre-right in Europe, the UK will not only be able to address market failures, enhance democratic processes and foster the economic growth required to improve living standards, but also move on from intellectual battles and re-enter the world arena.