It offers interesting insights into the shape of public opinion in 2019. But talk of a ‘sea change’ away from freedom is hard to stand up.
Across this half-century, from Scarman after Brixton to MacPherson after Stephen Lawrence, governments have engaged only sporadically engaged with race.
Discussion of immigration is often dominated by those who are entirely ‘pro’ or ‘anti’, but most people are somewhere in between.
If the Conservatives had won 42 per cent from them too, our research projects that she would have won with a comfortable 42-seat majority.
Despite the lazy stereotypes, there’s a striking amount of common ground across partisan and referendum divides.
The Tories are making gradual rather than spectacular progress on ethnic diversity – as the party’s class of 2017 looks set to prove.
To restore trust on the issue requires both sides to balance the pressures and gains of immigration.
The need for extra resources will not go down a storm with Hammond. But if we want a system that is effective, fair and trusted, we should resource it accordingly.
Many feel British and have a Commonwealth attachment – but worry that the Brexit campaign is run by UKIP.
A new Office and Deputy Mayoralty could ensure new arrivals spoke English and promote cross-cultural contact, civic engagement, and British citizenship.
A new British Future report sketches out how Remain and Leave could each win the campaign – or lose it.
The next election may see increasingly distinct pitches from each of the parties towards sections of the latter.
A Survation poll commissioned by British Future finds that David Cameron’s party won a majority of Hindu votes – and also polled well with other Asian voters in the south.
For the first time ever, the race to increase ethnic minority representation is neck-and-neck between the two main parties.
Treat claims of a communalist election with suspicion. The evidence suggests that ethnic minority voters prioritise domestic issues over foreign policy ones.