Reform supports the expansion of the Senedd from 60 to 96 members at a cost of £120m. On this they are on the same page as Labour, Plaid, the Lib Dems, and the Greens. Only the Welsh Conservatives have opposed this expansion from the start and want to reverse it.
If the SNP and PC are successful next May, we will experience the most comprehensive and sustained attack on the UK we have seen since devolution began
Nationalists thrive on grievance. Labour thrives on excuses. Conservatives must thrive on competence, accountability, and delivery.
With the mirage removed now, we can focus on what matters in this election. Labour’s record in power is rightfully in the firing line – but we must remember that Plaid would be much worse if they usurped them in power.
It is time to choose. Do we start the work of rebuilding our home, brick by painful brick, or do we stand by and watch the wrecking ball of our own inaction finally bring it down?
We tackle head-on the myths that have paralysed action for years: that we’d become a pariah state, that we can reform from within, that repealing the Human Rights Act is enough.
This alignment presents one of the strongest electoral opportunities for unionist parties in years; in order to capture it, it they need to relentlessly pursue the Nationalists and hold them to account for their dire treatment of Scotland.
Two thirds of Welsh Conservative voters support scrapping the devolved parliament; overall, abolitionists significantly number those voters who want Wales to be independent.
Yes, our party has previously collaborated with and absorbed smaller parties of the right – but they were very different beasts, in very different circumstances.
The greater diversity of unionist representation after last year’s general election is a good first step, but is no equivalent to the Unionists’ role as part of the broader Conservative coalition in the last century.
An out-of-touch Cardiff Bay clique has hijacked the party in Wales, and now elevates their own jobs (and the chance of a ministerial car) over their members’ views – or the Union.
The Independent Commission on the Future of Wales claims it couldn’t find any, despite its own polling showing that abolition was just as popular as independence.
We need to convince Northern Irish voters to stick with what works and celebrate what has been achieved, rather than take a gamble on Dublin rule – and the abolition of their country.
Labour ministers who until recently yearned to rejoin the European Union now proclaim their devotion to the United Kingdom.
The public is not permanently captive to razzmatazz. When the costs of dysfunction bite, voters return to first principles.